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Stinence via urinalysis), and provision of an incentive soon just after its detection (Petry, 2000). Meta-analytic critiques of CM note its robust, dependable therapeutic effects when implemented in addiction remedy settings (Griffith et al., 2000; Lussier et al., 2006; Prendergast et al., 2006). Numerous empiricallysupported applications are offered to neighborhood therapy settings, like opioid treatment programs (OTPs) wherein agonist medication is paired with counseling along with other solutions in upkeep therapy for opiate dependence. Accessible CM applications involve: 1) privilege-based (Stitzer et al., 1977), exactly where conveniences like take-home medication doses or preferred dosing instances earned, 2) stepped-care (Brooner et al., 2004), exactly where lowered clinic requirements are gained, three) voucher-based (Higgins et al., 1993), with vouchers for goods/services awarded, 4) prize-based (Petry et al., 2000), with draws for prize products offered, 5) socially-based (Lash et al., 2007), where SC66 web status tokens or public recognition reinforce identified milestones, and 6) employment-based, with job prospects at a `therapeutic workplace’ (Silverman et al., 2002) reinforcing abstinence. Despite such choices, CM implementation remains restricted, even among clinics affiliated with NIDA’s Clinical Trials Network [CTN; (Roman et al., 2010)]. A recent evaluation suggests guidance by implementation science theories could facilitate a lot more efficient CM dissemination (Hartzler et al., 2012). A hallmark theory is Rogers’ (2003) Diffusion Theory, a widely-cited and extensive theoretical framework based on decades of cross-disciplinary study of innovation adoption. Diffusion theory outlines processes whereby innovations are adopted by members of a social technique and individual traits that impact innovation receptivity. As for prior applications to addiction remedy, diffusion theory has identified clinic traits predicting naltrexone PubMed ID:http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/21079607 adoption (Oser Roman, 2008). Additionally, it is frequently referenced in various critiques (Damschroder Hildegorn, 2011; Glasner-Edwards et al., 2010; Manuel et al., 2011) and interpretation of empirical findings concerning innovation adoption (Amodeo et al., 2010; Baer et al., 2009; Hartzler et al., 2012; Roman et al., 2010). In diffusion theory, Rogers (2003) differentiates two processes whereby a social system arrives at a selection about regardless of whether or to not adopt a new practice. Inside a collective innovation decision, people accept or reject an innovation en route to a consensus-based decision. In contrast, an authority innovation decision requires acceptance or rejection of an innovation by an individual (or subset of persons) with greater status or power. The latter approach far more accurately portrays the pragmatism inherent in innovation adoption decisions at most OTPs, highlighting an influential function of executive leadership that merits scientific consideration. According to diffusion theory, executives may very well be categorized into five mutually-exclusive categories of innovativeness: innovators, early adopters, early majority, late majority, and laggards. Table 1 outlines personal traits linked with every single category, as outlined by Rogers (2003). Efforts to categorize executive innovativeness according to such individual characteristics is well-suited to qualitative investigation methods, which are under-represented in addiction literature (Rhodes et al., 2010). Such solutions reflect a range of elicitation methods, of which two examples will be the et.

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